Abdullah Çatlı was born on June 1, 1956, in Nevşehir, Turkey. Raised in a conservative and nationalistic environment, he became deeply involved in far-right politics during his youth. By the 1970s, he had aligned himself with the ultra-nationalist Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and became the leader of its paramilitary youth wing, the Grey Wolves. Çatlı became infamous for his extreme ideology and willingness to use violence to advance nationalist goals.

His early years were marked by radicalization during a volatile time in Turkish history, when clashes between leftist and rightist groups often turned deadly. Çatlı quickly rose through the ranks as a militant figure, playing key roles in multiple politically motivated crimes. He married his childhood neighbor Meral Aydoğan in 1974 and had two daughters, Gökçen and Selcen. His daughter Gökçen later wrote a memoir defending her father’s legacy and describing him as a patriot with his own sense of justice.

Despite being a fugitive for much of his adult life, Çatlı maintained close ties to Turkish intelligence services (MİT). He was believed to be a deep-state asset — operating in a gray zone between official law enforcement, covert intelligence, and criminal enterprise. Over time, he became associated not only with assassinations but also with international drug trafficking and political manipulation.

Çatlı's criminal path began with the Bahçelievler Massacre on October 9, 1978, where he and other Grey Wolves militants murdered seven leftist university students affiliated with the Workers' Party of Turkey (TİP). This massacre marked his transition from political thug to covert assassin. The following year, he allegedly helped fugitive Mehmet Ali Ağca escape prison after the assassination of journalist Abdi İpekçi — an event later linked to a broader international conspiracy involving the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II in 1981.

Following his early crimes, Çatlı escaped to Europe and assumed the identity Hasan Kurtoğlu. Under this alias, he collaborated with Turkish intelligence (MİT) to target Armenian political figures and activists, particularly those linked to ASALA (Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia). One such attack was the 1984 bombing of the Armenian Genocide Memorial in Alfortville, France, and the attempted assassination of activist Ara Toranian.

His involvement in heroin trafficking began in the early 1980s. He was arrested in Switzerland in 1982 but escaped. In 1984, he was caught again in France and sentenced to seven years. After being extradited to Switzerland in 1988, he escaped Bostadel prison in March 1990 with alleged help from fellow Grey Wolves.

Upon returning to Turkey in the early 1990s, Çatlı re-entered the underworld as both a government-affiliated hitman and enforcer. He was allegedly involved in extrajudicial killings of suspected PKK members, drug traffickers, and Iranian spies. He reportedly tortured and murdered businessman Behçet Cantürk after extorting $10 million in the name of eliminating “PKK sympathizers.” He also played a role in the 1995 killings of alleged Iranian agents Lazım Esmaeili and Askar Simitko. His fingerprints were found on a gun used in the assassination of casino magnate Ömer Lütfü Topal.

In 1996, Çatlı kidnapped TV producer Mehmet Ali Yaprak, demanding millions in ransom. These brazen operations happened while he remained a wanted fugitive — but also while being protected by state documents, including a diplomatic passport under the alias Mehmet Özbay, signed by Interior Minister Mehmet Ağar. He had at least six different forms of ID when he died.

His death on November 3, 1996, in a car crash in Susurluk, alongside Istanbul Police Academy chief Hüseyin Kocadağ and his girlfriend Gonça Us, sent shockwaves through Turkey. Only MP and village guards leader Sedat Bucak survived. The crash exposed long-standing allegations about the "deep state" — a web of connections between government, security forces, and organized crime.

The Susurluk Scandal exploded in the media, revealing that Çatlı had been protected by powerful politicians. It triggered resignations, public protests, and growing awareness of Turkey’s shadowy internal wars. Former deputy prime minister Alparslan Türkeş admitted that Çatlı had worked with the state “for national security.” Interior Minister Ağar, who had approved Çatlı’s documents, was later forced to resign when it was discovered they’d stayed in the same hotel days before the crash.

Following his death, Çatlı became a controversial symbol — a martyr to far-right nationalists and a criminal to others. Annual ceremonies continue to be held at his grave, attended by former Grey Wolves. Even Mehmet Ali Ağca, the man who shot the Pope, sent flowers from prison for Çatlı’s funeral.